Are We Better Off: A Soft Money Glossary

The new soft-money route threads through a tangled mess of non-profit groups named after cryptic portions of the tax code. Here’s a quick primer.

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527 Groups These nonprofits are set up exclusively to influence the political process and are required to disclose their donations to the Internal Revenue Service. Reformers and Republican Party lawyers have asked the Federal Election Commission to severely restrict the ability of these groups to influence federal elections. A ruling is expected as early as May.

501(c)4 Groups These nonprofits are deemed ideological lobbying organizations under the IRS code. Like 527’s, they can spend a significant portion of their funds on political communications though there may be stricter tax penalties. 501(c )4’s that do not receive contributions from unions or corporations can claim a special status—often called the MCFL exemption— that allows the group to run issue advertising in the weeks immediately before an election, a tactic now banned for many groups under the new law. These groups file annual tax returns that must be made public, but are not required to disclose their donors.

501(c)3 Groups These nonprofits are generally founded for religious, educational or charitable purposes. They are not supposed to directly engage in any political activities, though some semi-political functions, including voter registration activities, are allowed. These groups make their tax return public, but are not required to disclose their donors.

Unions and Trade Organizations Organized under sections 501(c)5 and 501(c)6 of the law, these groups can spend a portion of their funds on direct political action, including issue advertising and voter registration. They are not required to disclose their donors.

Political Action Committees These are committees, often set up by unions and corporations, that can pool smaller, regulated donations from individual members or employees. They are often tied to the types of non-profits listed above, providing the organizations outside vehicles to directly contribute to a candidate or party. All contributions to PACs must be publicly reported to the Federal Election Commission.

Candidates and Parties Political parties and individual candidates can directly receive money from PACs and individuals, money which must be reported to the FEC. Campaign finance reform raised the limits on these donations for any single individual. Every American can now give $2,000 to each candidate for each election (including primaries) and up to $95,000 to candidates and political parties in any two-year election cycle.

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Because the in-depth journalism on underreported beats and unique perspectives on the daily news you turn to Mother Jones for is only possible because readers fund us. Corporations and powerful people with deep pockets will never sustain the type of journalism we exist to do. The only investors who wonā€™t let independent, investigative journalism down are the people who actually care about its futureā€”you.

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Getting just 10 percent of the people who care enough about our work to be reading this blurb to part with a few bucks would be utterly transformative for us, and that's very much what we need to keep charging hard in this financially uncertain, high-stakes year.

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WE'LL BE BLUNT

It is astonishingly hard keeping a newsroom afloat these days, and we need to raise $253,000 in online donations quickly, by October 7.

The short of it: Last year, we had to cut $1 million from our budget so we could have any chance of breaking even by the time our fiscal year ended in June. And despite a huge rally from so many of you leading up to the deadline, we still came up a bit short on the whole. We canā€™t let that happen again. We have no wiggle room to begin with, and now we have a hole to dig out of.

Readers also told us to just give it to you straight when we need to ask for your support, and seeing how matter-of-factly explaining our inner workings, our challenges and finances, can bring more of you in has been a real silver lining. So our online membership lead, Brian, lays it all out for you in his personal, insider account (that literally puts his skin in the game!) of how urgent things are right now.

The upshot: Being able to rally $253,000 in donations over these next few weeks is vitally important simply because it is the number that keeps us right on track, helping make sure we don't end up with a bigger gap than can be filled again, helping us avoid any significant (and knowable) cash-flow crunches for now. We used to be more nonchalant about coming up short this time of year, thinking we can make it by the time June rolls around. Not anymore.

Because the in-depth journalism on underreported beats and unique perspectives on the daily news you turn to Mother Jones for is only possible because readers fund us. Corporations and powerful people with deep pockets will never sustain the type of journalism we exist to do. The only investors who wonā€™t let independent, investigative journalism down are the people who actually care about its futureā€”you.

And we need readers to show up for us big timeā€”again.

Getting just 10 percent of the people who care enough about our work to be reading this blurb to part with a few bucks would be utterly transformative for us, and that's very much what we need to keep charging hard in this financially uncertain, high-stakes year.

If you can right now, please support the journalism you get from Mother Jones with a donation at whatever amount works for you. And please do it now, before you move on to whatever you're about to do next and think maybe you'll get to it later, because every gift matters and we really need to see a strong response if we're going to raise the $253,000 we need in less than three weeks.

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