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I donāt like repeating myself in this newsletter. In part because I want to believe that every word I write is fully absorbed by each reader and remembered for all time. But perhaps thatās not the case. Regardless, itās time to reiterate and revisit a point I made in early January: Attorney General Merrick Garland should tell the American public if the Justice Department is investigating Donald Trumpās attempted coup.
We know the FBI has arrested and charged nearly 800 people with crimes related to the assault on the US Capitol that Trump incited. Many have pleaded guilty. The first trial of an accused 1/6 rioter began this week; in the dock is Guy Reffitt, an alleged member of the Three Percenters, a right-wing, anti-government militia outfit. He allegedly led a mob of assailants as they breached a police line. Other trials of January 6 marauders are coming. Yet whatās unknown is whether the Justice Department has been examining Trump and his insurrectionist intimates for their own efforts to overturn the election.
This week that question became more pointed. On Wednesday, the House select committee investigating the January 6 attack submitted a legal filing stating it had gathered evidence indicating that Trump, John Eastman, the conservative attorney who drafted a plan for Trump to block the Electoral College vote in order to stay in power, and their allies could be charged with federal crimes, including obstructing an official congressional proceeding and conspiracy to defraud the American people. This was the first time the committee had raised the prospect of a criminal investigation of Trump. The filing, seeking to enforce a subpoena the committee served on Eastman for documents and testimony, noted, āThere is also evidence to support a good-faith, reasonable belief that…review of the [subpoenaed] materials may reveal that the President and members of his Campaign engaged in common law fraud in connection with their efforts to overturn the 2020 election results.ā
This was a big dealāan official suggestion that Trump may have committed a crime in his post-election scheming with Eastman and others. It implied the Justice Department ought to be on this case, at least to give it a good look. There are other aspects of Trumpās war on democracy that may have violated the law. Trumpās postāElection Day phone call to Georgia officials pressing them to āfindā him enough votes to win is under investigation by the Fulton County district attorney, Fani Willis. (She is scheduled to seat a grand jury on May 2.) And as I noted last August, Trumpās underhanded attempt to muscle the Justice Department into declaring the election fraudulent also might have been a crime. Norm Eisen, who was President Barack Obamaās ethics czar and co-counsel for the House Judiciary Committee during the first Trump impeachment, told me there are several federal statues Trump may have violated through his DOJ skullduggery.
As the New York Times pointed out Friday, it may be legally difficult to charge Trump with a federal crime: āBuilding a criminal case against Mr. Trump is very difficult for federal prosecutors, experts say, given the high burden of proof they must show, questions about Mr. Trumpās mental state and the likelihood of any decision being appealed, underlining the dilemma confronting the agency.ā Yet so far thereās no sign that Garlandās gumshoes are even working any stretch of this beat. No leaks, no court filingsānothing indicating an investigation of Trump and his henchmen for their actions on, before, or after 1/6 to undermine or block the peaceful transfer of power.
Under normal circumstances, this is how the Justice Department is supposed to function: it does not state whether a person or entity is under investigation until there is an indictment. Thatās a matter of fairness. A person who is not prosecuted ought not be branded as a suspect or target, for then he or she will not be afforded the chance to clear their name. (No trial, no way to prove youāre not guilty.) If the government identified people who might be indicted but who are ultimately not charged, it would have enormous power to tar individuals and do tremendous reputational harm to them.
Certainly, there are instances when itās clear the FBI and the Justice Department are on the hunt. (Think Jeffrey Epstein.) Or times when word of an investigation leaks. (Hillary Clinton and the emails.) But the general ruleāwe donāt acknowledge investigations unless we bring a caseāis a good one.
Yet as with all rules, there can beāand sometimes ought to beāexceptions. The question here is whether a sitting US president tried to illegally abuse his power to thwart the Constitution and undo democracy. That qualifies as a big deal. American citizens have a right to know that the Justice Department is taking this seriously and doing all that is reasonably possible to protect the republic. Garland should disclose, to a limited extent, his departmentās activity (or lack thereof) on this front. Yes, that would mean treating Trump and his crew differently than the average citizen. But Justice Department rules are not absolute. There is a conflict: the rights of individuals possibly under investigation versus the right of the public to have faith its democracy is being safeguarded. With these stakes, the latter can outweigh the former and justify a limited exception to standard operating procedure. And there is another reason to break with the rule: Showing that a president who attempts to defy an election will face close legal scrutiny might just provide a disincentive to future despot-wannabes.
It could well be that experienced federal prosecutors might conclude thereās no solid case to mount against Trump and his abettors. But the public should be assuredāofficiallyāthat the Justice Department is fully probing and considering the matter to make a determination. Maybe that is occurring right nowāor maybe it has happened already. But we shouldnāt have to guess. On the question of whether a presidentāespecially one who may run for the office againāis being investigated for attempting to criminally subvert American democracy, Garland ought to spill the beans.